Websearching All Ira Einhorn

All Ira Einhorn was found by these searches this week...
			"Jenny and the nine"
			"daniel rubin"
			Ira Einhorn polanski
			Prisoner ES6859
			"jack sarfatti"
			ira einhorn unsolved mysteries
			einhorn podcast vzygoth
			irv homer lynn abraham
			"free love" +sixties
			ira rosen ufo
			einhorn polanski
			ira einhorn background
			einhorn et polanski
			ira einhorn
			Polanski ira einhorn
			IRA background
			peter gabriel ira einhorn
			C. Tumosa
			boyland ufo march 2010
			ira einhorn dick
			ira einhorn stafford beer
			Theresa Duncan mystery\
			polanski einhorn
			cia ira connection
			gorightly theresa duncan
			france polanski einhorn
			joel rosen and cohen, placitella
			mother of Ira Einhorn
			joel s rosen
			"ira einhorn" polanski
			joel s rosen attorney

Listserve and The Unicorn - Part Seven

And finally... this 7 part series comes to an end with a comment by our loved DC Williams. David is a stellar human with a fantastic charm.

From DC Williams....

"The only policy that will enable this corruption and skullduggery to be resolved is
by a "Truth Commission Amnesty" program analogous to what happened in South Africa
after the end of apartheid where instead of prosecuting as war criminals the
perpetrators of apartheid genocidal policies, those who accepted corrected ethic,
renouced their previous actions, and agreed to work together for the good of the
nation -- these people were pardoned and were able to apply their positions of power
and influence towards creating a better nation in the future.  In America, not only
should the nonviolent victims of the drug war now imprisoned be pardoned, but also
the murderous corrupt perpetrators of the bogus drug war must also be given the
chance to change the errors of their ways and acknowledge the truth of their
misdeeds and reapply their talents and skills to solving today's global social
and environmental problems before it is too late to save all life on Earth from
otherwise impending destruction not only from accelerated climate change and the
dangers of nuclear conflagration but from the increasing ozone layer depletion that
1988 Project Earth climate modeling predictions deemed on-target as of 1997 say
will destroy all the oceanic phytoplankton (over half of Earth's oxygen supply) by
solar irradiation by the year 2008.  http://www.projectearth.com  To solve this
emergency we must quickly move away from fossil fuel power towards the suppressed
and available new-energy ("free-energy") technologies such as cold fusion, LENR,
ZPE, rotating magnetic systems, oscillating magnetic systems, etc etc, that can
provide power without fuel by mechanisms demonstrated but yet to be fully
understood due to corporate media and government scientific suppression.  We need
a New Manhattan Project, but an open public one, to quickly implement this new
energy economy as per Science and Technology in Society and Public Policy list
posts at url below.  Very important we also need to revive on a global emergency
 scale level the USDA 1941-45 Hemp for Victory program to grow this most useful
and bioefficient plant everywhere possible on Earth as soon as possible for its
economic value and its superior bioefficiency per acre for biofuels applications
to replace fossil fuels, to save the forests and heal the atmosphere reducing
carbon dioxide and reoxygenating it to enable the ozone layer made from atmospheric
oxygen to be replenished in time.  This is an essential Global Emergency Alert
Response.  David Crockett Williams, C.L.U.

http://www.globalpeacenow.org

The Khazarian Conspiracy Video Series: Part 1 of 12

All 12 parts of this video are up and available on Youtube. It offers tremendous background information on this very relevant situation vital to the world on so many fronts...

Spetsnaz Mind Fighting

Listserve and The Unicorn - Part Six

Was Ira naive to all of these happenings?  Certainly, he was not as well verse
publicly, but there might have been deeper connections that he wanted to avoid for
sheer fear.  Just speculating on this but will certainly be a part of this blog for
sheer interesting factor.

http://www.citypaper.net/articles/080300/cs.cover3.shtml  As the summer of 1996 wore
on, Philadelphia's small community of criminal defense attorneys smelled blood in the
water when it came to getting old BNI cases overturned. In a frenzy of filings, one
motion followed another in rapid succession, each requesting that a past conviction
be thrown out and a prisoner released because the individual's arrest had been tainted
by the mere presence of BNI personnel at the scene.  When the District Attorney's
Office did not contest the motions, the convicts went free. Before it was all over,
by McLaughlin's estimation, 85 defendants had been let go, people from whom BNI had
confiscated a total of $1.2 million worth of heroin, crack and cocaine, not to
mention dozens of illegal firearms and motor vehicles.  Another attorney who has
frequently handled drug cases, Louis Savino, showed remarkable candor about the
situation when he told the Inquirer, "It made my job easier. I don't know about
the general public. They're just letting people skate.. These are allegations of
significant amounts of drugs." Most other defense attorneys were more sanctimonious,
 making public claims about their clients' innocence, even when their court motions
 merely claimed they had been caught improperly.  The scandal hit at a time when
the Pennsylvania Attorney General's Office was already in a state of general turmoil.
 The elected AG, Ernie Preate, had gone to prison for campaign finance corruption.
The acting AG, Thomas Corbett, was a lame duck, a mere seat warmer who would be
replaced in early 1997 by the winner of the November 1996 election.  Nonetheless,
soon after the prosecutors started dumping BNI cases, Corbett appointed his deputy
 attorney general Eric Noonan to review the cases and file a report on fixing the
problems with the Philadelphia BNI office.  Noonan's report was never made public,
but a draft has been obtained by City Paper. In it, Noonan's exasperation is evident
 as he lays out the inability of the prosecutors to articulate just what they found
 so offensive about McLaughlin and his crew. This is where he accused the
prosecutors of failing to provide any specifics beyond "a general 'gut feeling' of
discomfort" with BNI cases.  As best as Noonan could tell, the prosecutors had
three very general criticisms of the arrests made by McLaughlin, Micewski,
McKeefery and Eggles: The BNI agents often entered houses without warrants, they
reported seeing drugs in plain view with a frequency that defied credibility and
the "recurring fact patterns" in their cases, as claimed by Guy Sciolstuff up. 
As head of the Drug Strike Force Legal Services section, Noonan was already well
versed in search and seizure law. After reviewing hundreds of BNI files, however,
he concluded that while the bureau could sharpen up some of its procedures, he
could find nothing about its work that was improper or not credible.  For one
thing, law officers can enter a house without a warrant if they reasonably suspect
contraband may be in danger of being destroyed. The allowable procedure is to
"secure" the property first and then request a warrant to actually search the
building. Noonan found BNI agents had always given their explicit reasons for such
 "prior entries" in their search warrant requests, and had never tried to conceal
them.  To test the credibility of the "plain view" arrests that the prosecutors
complained about, Noonan took a tour of the Dominican-controlled drug corners
where the BNI agents had done so much of their work. "During slightly more than
an hour of driving through the various neighborhoods, our vehicle was approached
no fewer than three times by street corner dealers who readily displayed various
types of drugs to the driver." Noonan witnessed five other drug transactions,
some within view of uniformed police officers who "had very little impact on these
street dealers' temerity.. [B]ased on the foregoing, it appears their recurring
ability for such plain view observations is quite believable."  Finally, on the
matter of Sciolla's "recurring fact patterns," Noonan wrote that he found no such
patterns that were "incredible due to their frequency." Forced to state the obvious,
 Noonan wrote that some recurring patterns are "not unforeseeable" with drug
arrests, given the organized and routine nature of narcotics dealing and trafficking.
 Although Noonan's report made some suggestions about how BNI agents and supervisors
 could improve their reporting methods, he found nothing that would warrant the
treatment that McLaughlin, Micewski, McKeefery and Eggles received at the hands
of the prosecutors.  The report, completed in July 1996, would have given
Philadelphia's BNI crew some much-needed moral support, but no portion of it was
ever made public.  Instead, acting AG Tom Corbett continued to make occasional
disparaging remarks about the agents, perhaps attempting to put the bureau's past
behind it. McLaughlin, Micewski, McKeefery and Eggles were pulled from the streets
for good, and a new supervisor was assigned. On May 17, 1996, with the four agents
no longer permitted to make arrests, the District Attorney's Office announced it
would start handling BNI cases once again.  On July 1, 1996, Dr. Jose Francisco
Pena Gomez lost the runoff election for the Dominican presidency. But he and his
Dominican Revolutionary Party didn' t have to worry about drug investigations any
 more. Soon after Pena Gomez's fundraising visit to New York several months earlier,
 the DEA had shut down its investigation.  And Pena Gomez's supporters kept active
in politics. In October 1996, prominent members of Dominican drug trafficking
organizations - people assigned special DEA identity numbers - attended a fundraiser
 for the New York Democratic Party at an Upper West Side tavern.  The guest of
honor that night was Vice President Al Gore.  In the fall of 1997, when they filed
their federal civil rights lawsuit, the careers of McLaughlin, McKeefery, Micewski
and Eggles were mere shadows of what they had been 18 months earlier.  For more
than a year McLaughlin had been reassigned to a desk job, while McKeefery worked
in the motor pool, signing out vehicles. Micewski was reassigned to do paperwork
in a BNI office in northeastern Pennsylvania, while Eggles took an extended leave,
eventually deciding to retire.  All were still officially under investigation by
 the FBI.  In September, a Housing Authority police officer named Harry Fernandez
called McLaughlin to tell him he had FBI troubles of his own. Fernandez had worked
frequently with McLaughlin's BNI crew on drug investigations in the past. Now he
was facing federal charges for lying about a search he did on a car in 1994. He
had recovered more than three pounds of cocaine in what was said to be the largest
 street bust in city history, but he had falsified some details in the search and
some fellow housing officers had given him up.  Fernandez told McLaughlin that the
 FBI was offering him immunity in exchange for information about the BNI. But it
wasn't until Fernandez's 1998 trial, when he got a transcript of Fernandez's
Sept. 23, 1997 FBI interview, that McLaughlin could see just how badly they wanted
to nail the Bastard Squad.    FBI: Look, let's cut the shit. You know those guys at
 BNI are dirty. They planted drugs on people[,] stole their money. We want you to
tell us about that.  Fernandez: I'll tell you whatever I know, but if you're
looking for illegal shit that those guys did. I do not know anything about it. 
FBI: Why do you keep protecting these guys?  Fernandez: I'm not protecting them
but if I don't know anything illegal about them how can I say anything?  FBI: This
is your only way out. Do you understand that anything you say here can't be
used against you[?] No matter what illegal thing you did and tell us we can't use
it against you. That's a hell of a break.  Fernandez: I would tell you if I know.
I'd give up anybody in order to benefit me. But unless you want me to lie I don't
know anything.  Fernandez was eventually acquitted of three of the four charges
against him. He received a two-and-a-half-year sentence for lying to a federal
officer.  The lawsuit filed on October 17, 1997, with all four Bastard Squad
members as plaintiffs, listed 16 co-defendants including Stiles, Gordon, a State
Department assistant secretary, three CIA employees, two FBI detectives, five
members of the Attorney General's chain of command, two New York drug traffickers
and, finally, the candidate himself, Pena Gomez. Pena Gomez has since died, and
several other defendants, including Arnold Gordon, have successfully sought to be
dropped from the case via a summary judgment. Gordon was covered by prosecutorial
immunity, which forbids people from suing prosecutors for their legal decisions.
Stiles, however, has had his summary judgment request denied by a judge, partly
 because there is some evidence he encouraged the Attorney General's Office to
order all the Bastard Squad members removed from the Essington Avenue office. 
In 1998, Donald Bailey filed a second lawsuit on behalf of McLaughlin, McKeefery
 and Micewski, alleging that Attorney General officials had responded to the first
 lawsuit by retaliating with "harsh, uncompromising employment and travel burdens,
 all in order to punish the plaintiffs for using the civil rights laws to protect
their rights and redress their grievances." (Eggles, having retired, was not a
plaintiff in the second lawsuit.)  Not until October 1998 did Stiles inform the
Attorney General's Office that the FBI investigation of the Bastard Squad would
not result in any indictments. He finally made the announcement that the FBI
investigation was complete in February 1999, nearly three years after it started. 
Although the number of convicted felons set free in the BNI scandal rivals that
of the 39th District scandal, there remain some serious differences between the
two affairs. In the 39th, the city eventually paid out $3.5 million in settlements
 to falsely arrested defendants. By contrast, none of the civil cases filed against
 the Bastard Squad was settled, and none ever made it to trial. Each was thrown
out by an appellate judge, including one who noted tartly that "Plaintiff does
not dispute the basic facts. that he was driving an automobile which contained
over 2,000 vials of crack cocaine."  And yet, just two weeks ago, another repeat
offender drug dealer, one who was serving four to seven years in state prison,
was granted a new trial simply because the arresting officer was Sparky McLaughlin.
The District Attorney's Office immediately moved to nol-pros, and the man, who is
still awaiting trial on two unrelated assault charges, went free.  McLaughlin,
Micewski, McKeefery and Eggles remain possibly the only unindicted law officers
anywhere to be essentially blackballed by the prosecutors they were obliged to
work with. But they are no longer the only cops to have their investigative careers
 interrupted or destroyed under strange circumstances involving Dominican drug
 traffickers and their pricey private lawyers.  One highly effective Philadelphia
 Police narcotics squad was suddenly shut down and pulled off the streets in 1997.
 They were told death threats had been made against them. Only later did they
learn the FBI was investigating them because lawyers for Dominican drug dealers
were complaining the squad was making unconstitutional searches. After three
years, the FBI had nothing to show for their trouble. But the narcotics squad,
which had been arresting an average of 30 dealers a week, was dismantled. Some
have filed formal grievances against the police department for unfairly reassigning
 them to desk jobs.  Two other cases in New York City follow a similar pattern
in which successful teams of narcotics agents have been pulled from duty after
 drug lawyers made allegations of misconduct that inevitably proved groundless. 
Could it be that the attorneys for Dominican drug traffickers have hit upon a
reliable method of undermining the entire justice system by simply driving a
wedge of suspicion between the cops and the prosecutors (two cultures which are
prone to mutual mistrust in even the best of circumstances)?  Way back in April
1996, that's exactly what BNI supervisor Mike Lutz thought had happened to
McLaughlin, McKeefery, Micewski and Eggles. That eloquent memorandum defending
the men who would soon become the Bastard Squad contained this very well-reasoned
paragraph:  "Is it not our agency alone that is making a consistent pattern of
arrests, confiscating large amounts of drugs, money, cars and guns in these areas?
How best to defeat the efforts of the Law Enforcement Agency that is wreaking havoc
 against this organized drug ring[?] Put the spotlight on them. Put them in retreat.
 Initiate an investigation. Make false and unfounded allegations. It will stop them
in their tracks. And it did.  "The scheme worked, [the Dominican drug traffickers
 and their lawyers] paralyzed an entire Law Enforcement Agency and at the same
time ruined [its] credibility. How in God's name could their broad brush associate
us. with the 39th District scandal? They did."

Breaking: Einhorn Gives Interview After 8 Years of Media Silence

It has been a long time since we heard about the goings on in life of The Unicorn. Ronnie Polaneczky, Philadelphia Daily News Columnist, was tracked down by the 70 year-old and was interviewed for a newspaper piece. Guess what, we also get to see him, sorta, in a 2009 headshot.

We'll hit the comment thread in a little while, lets give it some time to get shaking.

In the meanwhile, I just had a look at this new article. By the lack of quotes it seems to be probable that Ira took Ronnie to task -- and without the aid of any modern day recording devices -- as she was left jotting down a few quotes that she feels equal her hatred for the man. And her words are now reaching out to Philadelphia as if the hatercade has arrived and the information is good because Ira sits rotting! Wow, good luck with that, Mrs. Polaneczky. Somehow, she managed to write the same article we read four hundred and fifty time 10 years ago. A few background details, and two or three updates, personal interjection annnnndddd CUT. That's a take. Hard to argue that he deserves more, but her tone was no different than the courtroom. At least we have come to expect snark from a journalist.

But there is more. A bonus that does include Ira's point and it all starts to make sense now. One article for Ira, and one from the Philadelphia angle. Whew, I feel all grown up now because I can figure such things out on my own! Ronnie wasn't about to let Ira's article be left unprinted, a key bone she throws, and the result is interesting.

From Ira,

SINCE MY ABRUPT return to the Pennsylvania Prison System in 2001, I have had numerous conversations with shocked former citizens who have repeated the same words to me, in different form, again and again: "I never dreamed that people caught up in the judicial system could be treated so unfairly, with such lack of concern for their rights.

Read the rest -
Here
and
Here

Listserve and The Unicorn - Part Five

http://www.citypaper.net/articles/080300/cs.cover2.shtml  

But it's also fair to ask why, when faced with two tried-and-true options for
addressing their worries about BNI's credibility, the District Attorney and the
U.S. Attorney in Philadelphia independently chose to take all of the pending BNI
cases and, as the cops might say, "shit-can" them. It was a unique, scorched-earth
approach that was also, the BNI agents claim, the only prosecutorial measure that
would ensure a quick and permanent demise for BNI's investigation of Dominican
narco-politics.  Neither Stiles nor Gordon would comment for this story. Both,
however, have given accounts of their actions under oath, either through sworn
depositions or in criminal hearings.  Arnold Gordon, however, had a history of being
dissatisfied with certain BNI cases, one that pre-dated the bureau's problems with
the CIA and Pena Gomez. Gordon had complained about BNI arrests to Attorney General
officials on at least two occasions in early 1995, raising questions about the
facts concerning a total of eight separate cases. In April of 1995, McLaughlin's
diary records that Gordon had asked for disciplinary charges against McKeefery,
alleging he had admitted in open court to searching two drug houses without a
warrant. The subsequent internal investigation cleared McKeefery.  Then, in May
1995, Gordon sent a letter to the then-acting Attorney General, requesting a review
of seven cases that prosecutors for both his office and the U.S. Attorney's office
found troubling. Five of the cases directly involved McLaughlin, McKeefery,
Micewski and Eggles.  In one case, Eggles and McLaughlin had arrested a man caught
running with a kilo of cocaine, and the assistant U.S. attorney assigned to the
case expressed fears that the arrest had been too simple and, therefore, not
credible. Another case had been thrown out because the judge found no probable
cause for searching a property where drugs were found.  Although the May 1995
letter would later be used by defense attorneys as evidence that the BNI agents
lacked credibility, Gordon has never invoked the cases mentioned in that letter
as a reason for his April 1996 decision to nol-pros every case involving McLaughlin
and McKeefery.  At a preliminary hearing in November 1996, after he agreed to drop
53 BNI-related cases, Gordon explained to a judge "the reason for nol-prossing
these fifty-three cases was because Officer McLaughlin did something which one
could characterize as lying in a search warrant.. We chose not [to put McLaughlin
 on the stand] solely because of what had occurred with regard to that one search
warrant."  A month later, before a different judge, Gordon claimed he was only
using "his best prosecutorial judgment" in deciding to drop all of McLaughlin's
and McKeefery's cases. "Although I've taken this action, I may be wrong and they
may be right. In other words, I don't know that those officers lied in a search
warrant. In fact, I may be unfairly stigmatizing them, by the action I've taken
in these cases."  In February 1995, just a few months before Gordon's first
complaint against McKeefery, a federal grand jury had indicted five Philadelphia
police officers, charging them with planting drugs on defendants and stealing from
them. Less then a month later, the Philadelphia District Attorney's Office started
dropping charges against people convicted on the five officers' testimony. The 39th
 District scandal, which ended up freeing more than 100 defendants, was supremely
embarrassing to the District Attorney's Office. Then, in the spring of 1996, just
weeks before Gordon announced his decision to stop taking BNI cases, the five
police officers were all convicted and received prison sentences up to 13 years. 
News of the district attorney's dumping of BNI cases broke on KYW-TV Channel 3 on
April 23, 1996, followed by a front-page Inquirer story the day after. Both
reports, as well as follow-up news accounts, were quick to draw lines of
similarities between BNI and the 39th District scandal. It was an unfair
comparison, which became increasingly obvious as the months went by, since the
BNI agents had never been charged with anything.  Just the week before, five rogue
police officers from North Philadelphia's 39th District had been given sentences
 of up to 13 years for offenses that included framing suspects, beating them and
extorting money from them. More than 100 cases involving the five officers had
already been overturned - but only after they had been indicted and charged with
crimes. Reporters focusing on the similarities of the tossed-out cases could just
as easily have pointed out the district attorney's sudden interest in not
prosecuting cases of officers who hadn't been charged with anything.  Instead,
the newspapers quoted unnamed law enforcement sources as stating that the joint
city-FBI corruption probe that caught the 39th District police was now expanding
to include the Bureau of Narcotics Investigation. By May 16, the head of BNI's
Philadelphia office was replaced and McLaughlin, Micewski, McKeefery and Eggles
were all reassigned to desk jobs.  In late June, the State Senate's Judiciary
Committee rushed to Philadelphia for hearings that had promised to examine why so
many drug arrests by a state agency were being nullified by federal and local
prosecutors. However, by the scheduled date, June 21, it had already been well
established that the FBI was looking into BNI's Philadelphia office. The
prosecutors and the Attorney General's Office begged off on attending the hearings,
stating they were duty-bound not to discuss matters under criminal investigation. 
Rather than shed light on the decisions of the District Attorney and the U.S.
Attorney, the hearing became a one-sided affair in which defense attorneys
complained vocally about the persistent problem of police "corruption," lumping
together BNI's problems with the criminal behavior of the 39th District cops.  At
the hearing, Miguel Torres gave teary-eyed testimony accusing McLaughlin of beating
 him and stealing cash. He did not, however, accuse McLaughlin of planting drugs
on him.  State Sen. Vince Fumo grabbed that day's headlines by imploring Torres
to sue the state for McLaughlin's alleged conduct. He was quoted as saying, "I hope
 you hit us for at least a couple million bucks."  (Years later, Torres would sue,
but he would never get his day in court. Appeals courts denied he had grounds for
a false arrest complaint and just this year the Supreme Court refused to hear his
final appeal. McLaughlin had long since passed a polygraph test clearing him of
Torres' charges.)  Meanwhile, in the Dominican Republic, Jose Francisco Pena Gomez
won the first round of elections on May 21. News reports considered him the leading
candidate for the final runoff election on July 1.  Two very different kinds of
lawyers represent narcotics defendants in the Philadelphia justice system. 
Defendants with no money get public defenders assigned to them by the courts.
On the other hand, defendants who can afford to pay for a defense hire counsel
from among a small coterie of experienced local criminal lawyers. Among Dominican
drug defendants, one of the top attorneys of choice is Guy Sciolla.  Guy Sciolla
doesn't do TV ads. He has a tiny one-line entry in the Yellow Pages. If you've
 never heard of him, then you're probably not the type of person who'll ever need
 him.  Years ago Sciolla was on the other side of the fence, as a prosecutor in
the Philadelphia District Attorney's Office. Back then he counted among his
colleagues in the homicide unit the very two prosecutors who would shut down the
BNI crew - Michael P. Stiles and Arnold Gordon. The Philadelphia legal community
is a very small place.  In the weeks and months before Stiles and Gordon decided
to stop taking BNI cases, Guy Sciolla was working up a motion to spring a former
BNI arrestee from federal prison.  Miguel Tapia had been caught by McLaughlin and
Eggles with a brick of cocaine in his car. Tapia had been set up by one of BNI's
informants, who told the agents to wait for Tapia to make a delivery at a corner
store at Fourth and Annsbury Streets. Tapia drove up in an Oldsmobile, parked and
entered, where McLaughlin was waiting for him. Eggles later testified that he,
meanwhile, recovered a brick of cocaine from the floor of the car, after spotting
it peeking out from under a newspaper. Tapia was arrested on the spot, though it
would be some hours before it was revealed he had lied about his identity and that
his real name was Anci Liriano.  Eggles was able to seize the cocaine without a
 warrant under the "plain view" provisions of search and seizure law, which allows
 police to take action when they see something they can "reasonably suspect" is a
 controlled substance. The informant's tip was critical to the legality of the
arrest since it provided the reasonable suspicion needed to look inside the car.
A jury found Tapia/Liriano guilty and a judge gave him a 63-month federal prison
sentence.  Sciolla's legal brief on behalf of Tapia was filed just two weeks after
news of the BNI scandal hit the papers. It made no claim that Tapia/Liriano was
innocent of anything. It did not allege that the agents had planted the cocaine
in his car.  If anything, Sciolla's Tapia brief is a somewhat unique court document
in that it drips with innuendo and sarcasm. It backhandedly doubted Eggles'
credibility by claiming that a series of past BNI arrest reports, few of which
even involved Eggles, displayed "remarkable and repeated fact patterns." It went
on to question the very existence of BNI's confidential informant.  Years later,
in a sworn deposition, U.S. Attorney Michael Stiles would recall the Tapia case
as one of the main reasons he determined the entire Bureau of Narcotics
Investigation was unfit for future federal prosecutions. In recounting the facts
of the Tapia case, Stiles' version was similar to Sciolla's, in which doubt was
cast on whether McLaughlin and Eggles' informant had ever existed and little
connection was found between Tapia and the Oldsmobile. But other investigative
agencies, including the DEA, had long ago confirmed they were using the same
individual as an informant, and a civilian witness in the store had testified
for the prosecution that Tapia tried to throw away the keys to the car. 
(Tapia was set free in July 1996. Seven months later, Delaware State Police
records show he was stopped for speeding on I-95 and that $31,000 was found
hidden in his car's false-bottomed gas tank. The car and the money were seized,
 but Tapia was let go.)